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Deborah Jones, who early on was the backbone behind the food supply for the New Waveland Cafe, gave me a DVD this time last year called Invisible Children. I was shocked. Really scary stuff.
You can see footage from the makers of this film at www.invisiblechildren.com/displaceMe/
and on Youtube there's lots: www.youtube.com/results
Other videos:
Uganda Rising www.youtube.com/watch
Invisible Children of Uganda www.youtube.com/watch
Louis D'Amore, founder of Peace Through Tourism ( www.iipt.org ), hooked me up with Torkin Wakefield, who's daughter, Devin, created Beadforlife: www.beadforlife.org ...that sells paper beads made by ladies in Gulu, Uganda, where I am planning to visit. Devin's story: www.beadforlife.org/media/pd...feb07.pdf
Sarah at the Invisible Children head office in Spring Valley, CA said their organization employees about 200 in Uganda making bracelets: www.invisiblechildren.com/theMi...mpaign
I asked Sarah if they needed more help over there. She said they only have places for four non-Ugandan volunteers. Maybe that is a good thing... so the money donated goes to the people who need it, instead of shipping volunteers across the ocean.
What can you find about Uganda that could be helpful?
I am thinking about going there to create play spaces and living spaces, using domes, teepees and hammocks. Maybe we could even create a hammock making industry.
You can see footage from the makers of this film at www.invisiblechildren.com/displaceMe/
and on Youtube there's lots: www.youtube.com/results
Other videos:
Uganda Rising www.youtube.com/watch
Invisible Children of Uganda www.youtube.com/watch
Louis D'Amore, founder of Peace Through Tourism ( www.iipt.org ), hooked me up with Torkin Wakefield, who's daughter, Devin, created Beadforlife: www.beadforlife.org ...that sells paper beads made by ladies in Gulu, Uganda, where I am planning to visit. Devin's story: www.beadforlife.org/media/pd...feb07.pdf
Sarah at the Invisible Children head office in Spring Valley, CA said their organization employees about 200 in Uganda making bracelets: www.invisiblechildren.com/theMi...mpaign
I asked Sarah if they needed more help over there. She said they only have places for four non-Ugandan volunteers. Maybe that is a good thing... so the money donated goes to the people who need it, instead of shipping volunteers across the ocean.
What can you find about Uganda that could be helpful?
I am thinking about going there to create play spaces and living spaces, using domes, teepees and hammocks. Maybe we could even create a hammock making industry.
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WAR CHILD
Tue, May 1, 2007 - 1:57 PMKachina just turned me on to www.wiserearth.org
Which lead to: www.warchild.org
War Child is a network of independent organisations working across the world to help children affected by war. The War Child organisation stands on the twin beliefs: that we’re not free to ignore an innocent victim’s plea for help and that children are the seed-corn of society, its future hope
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War Child was founded upon a fundamental goal: to advance the cause of peace through investing hope in the lives of children caught up in the horrors of war.
As you read this, over 30 wars and conflicts rage around the world. Some fill our TV screens with appalling images of distress, emphasising war’s brutalising effect on man. Many of these wars go unreported, often due to political expediency or lack of interest. They reveal a shaming pattern: Sixty million people have been killed in wars during the 20th Century. Over 80% of war casualties are now civilians - mainly women and children.
WAR CHILD AIMS
To alleviate the suffering of children by bringing material aid into war zones.
To support those children who have been evacuated into refugee camps.
To initiate rehabilitation programmes once children return safely to their homes.
To be instrumental in healing the psychological damage caused to children by their experiences of war. -
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More than one-half-million people in Gulu and Kitgum displaced
Tue, May 1, 2007 - 7:39 PMFrom www.globalsecurity.org/milita...lra.htm
The Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) , led by Joseph Kony, operated in the north from bases in southern Sudan. The LRA committed numerous abuses and atrocities, including the abduction, rape, maiming, and killing of civilians, including children. In addition to destabilising northern Uganda from bases in Sudan, the LRA congregated in the Bunia area in eastern Congo. They linked up with the Army for the Liberation of Rwanda (ALIR) and other rebel groups battling with forces from the Rally for Congolese Democracy (RCD)
Some accused the Sudan of supporting the LRA and Uganda of allegedly supporting the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), the rebel movement that fought against the Sudanese government. Although both governments denied the accusations, they severed diplomatic relations with eachother on April 22, 1995. However, relations between the two countries improved. In 1999, Sudan and Uganda signed an agreement under which Sudan said it would stop aiding the LRA and Uganda would stop aiding the SPLA.
The LRA continued to kill, torture, maim, rape, and abduct large numbers of civilians, virtually enslaving numerous children. Although its levels of activity diminished somewhat compared with 1997, the area that the LRA targeted grew. The LRA sought to overthrow the Ugandan Government and inflicted brutal violence on the population in northern Uganda. LRA forces also targeted local government officials and employees. The LRA also targeted international humanitarian convoys and local NGO workers.
The LRA has abducted large numbers of civilians for training as guerrillas; most victims were children and young adults. The LRA abducted young girls as sex and labor slaves. Other children, mainly girls, were reported to have been sold, traded, or given as gifts by the LRA to arms dealers in Sudan. While some later escaped or were rescued, the whereabouts of many children remain unknown.
In particular, the LRA abducted numerous children and, at clandestine bases, terrorized them into virtual slavery as guards, concubines, and soldiers. In addition to being beaten, raped, and forced to march until exhausted, abducted children were forced to participate in the killing of other children who had attempted to escape. Amnesty International reported that without child abductions, the LRA would have few combatants. More than 6,000 children were abducted during 1998, although many of those abducted later escaped or were released. Most human rights NGOs place the number of abducted children still held captive by the LRA at around 3,000, although estimates vary substantially.
Civil strife in the north has led to the violation of the rights of many members of the Acholi tribe, which is largely resident in the northern districts of Gulu and Kitgum. Both government forces and the LRA rebels--who themselves largely are Acholi--committed violations. LRA fighters in particular were implicated in the killing, maiming, and kidnaping of Alcholi tribe members, although the number and severity of their attacks decreased somewhat compared with 1997.
The LRA rebels say they are fighting for the establishment of a government based on the biblical Ten Commandments. They are notorious for kidnapping children and forcing them to become rebel fighters or concubines. More than one-half-million people in Uganda's Gulu and Kitgum districts have been displaced by the fighting and are living in temporary camps, protected by the army.
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From www.globalsecurity.org/milita...nda.htm
Uganda Civil War
Northern Uganda suffered from civil unrest since the early 1980s. Hundreds of people were killed in the rebellion against the Ugandan government, and an estimated 400-thousand people were left homeless. Political violence increased in Kampala with the 1998 and 1999 bombings of several popular restaurants nightclubs, and other public places. Eight foreign tourists, including two Americans, were murdered by an Interehamwe guerilla group in Bwindi National Forest in March 1999. Rebels were active in the northern and western sections of Uganda.
President Yoweri Museveni used Uganda's military to battle the two main rebel groups, the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) and the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF). Thousands of children fell victim to the war - abducted by both the LRA and the ADF to serve as fighters or porters. As the conflict between the Government of Uganda (GOU) forces and armed insurgent groups intensified in late 1996, the GOU military began encouraging rural people in affected areas to move into protective camps. However, the military provided only a short period for the move and undertook little preparation for the influx of people to the protective camps. Uganda's economy also suffered, with billions of dollars of the government's budget going to the military. The instability from the civil war, and growing domestic and international pressure to find a way to stop the fighting, apparently prompted President Museveni to back away from the military option and look for a political solution.
By early 2003 optimism was growing that 16 years of fighting in northern Uganda may soon come to an end. The LRA declared a cease-fire and said they wanted to hold talks with the government of Yoweri Museveni. The pledge by the LRA to cease all ambushes, abductions and attacks was welcomed by the Uganda government. But there were also reasons for the government to negotiate. Analysts were saying that Museveni may have realized that, even with access to the rebel bases in Sudan, the military solution he once preferred wes not going to succeed. He was under enormous public pressure to try the path of a negotiated settlement.
People in the Uganda districts of Gulu, Kitgum and Pader continued to be terrorized by the rebel Lord's Resistance Army. They were victims of brutal attacks and kidnappings by the rebel group. The main victims of the LRA have been the Acholi people of northern Uganda. More than a million Acholi have moved to protected camps. As a result, they have not been able to plant their crops and hunger is widespread. After suffering for so many years, Acholi leaders have been at the forefront of efforts to open up a dialogue with the rebels. Ironically, the LRA claims to be fighting the GOU forces because of their prejudice policies against the Acholi people.
Forty-eight people were hacked to death near the town of Kitgum in the far north of Uganda on 25 July 2002. Local newspaper reports said elderly people were killed with machetes and spears, and babies were flung against trees. Ugandans were shocked by the brutality of the latest attack by the rebel LRA.
The vicious rebel attack in northern Uganda raised questions about planned peace talks between the LRA and Uganda's government. President Yoweri Museveni had agreed to peace talks brokered by Ugandan religious leaders. The Ugandan army had been trying to crush the LRA rebellion for over 18 years without success. President Museveni gave his backing to peace talks to be brokered by religious leaders. Ugandan army spokesman Major Shaban Bantariza said he believed this was a waste of time because the rebel leader, Joseph Kony, did not have any real agenda to discuss.
In February 2003, Sudan agreed to let troops from neighboring Uganda enter its territory to attack the LRA rebels who had been trying for years to overthrow the Ugandan government. The Ugandan army called on the LRA to surrender or be defeated. Ugandan officials said the agreement gave them what they had long been waiting for - the chance to eliminate the LRA. The agreement set the stage for a decisive blow against rebels.
By early 2003 optimism was growing that the years of fighting in northern Uganda may soon come to an end. Rebels of the LRA declared a cease-fire and say they wanted to hold talks with the government of Yoweri Museveni. The pledge by the LRA to cease all ambushes, abductions and attacks has been welcomed by the Uganda government. The LRA was in a tight corner after its bases in southern Sudan, just over the border from northern Uganda, had been destroyed by Ugandan troops following an agreement with the Sudanese government. The rebels' main sources of food and military supplies were now back home in northern Uganda, which made them much more vulnerable to attacks by government troops. Then in June 2003, Kony told his fighters to destroy Catholic missions, kill priests and missionaries, and beat up nuns.
In January 2004 Ugandan Defense Minister Amama Mbabazi said that the government had killed 928 LRA rebels between Jan. 1, 2003 and Jan. 16, 2004. Speaking at a monthly press briefing in Bombo, suburb of Kampala, Minister Mbabazi said 791 rebels were either captured by the army or surrendered during "Operation Iron Fist". He said the army rescued 7,299 people abducted by the rebels. He also said 88 army soldiers died in the combat, 141 others were injured and four went missing during the period.
In May 2004 a report by the aid organisation, Christian Aid, condemned what it described as a shirking of the government's responsibilities to protect the people of the north "borne out of a lack of will". It accused the government of herding civilians into camps ostensibly to protect them from the LRA without offering those living in camps the protection they needed. The Ugandan government rejected the report, saying the report was "completely unfair".
Rebels of the LRA attacked a camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in war-ravaged northern Uganda on 16 May 2004, killing scores of people and abducting others. A group of rebels attacked Pagak displaced people's camp in three prongs: one attacked the camp, a second one attacked the soldiers guarding it and the third one concentrated on the patrol units. The group that attacked the camp set ablaze dozens of grass-thatched huts to create confusion, then looted food and abducted people whom they forced to carry their loot for a distance before they killed them along with their babies.
By November 2003 UN Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs and Humanitarian Relief Coordinator Jan Egeland stated that he considered the humanitarian crisis in northern Uganda to be among the worst on the planet. Several UN agencies, including UNICEF and the Food and Agricultural Organization, are expected to increase their presence in northern Uganda, provided the government is able to provide adequate security.
In October 2005, the International Criminal Court (ICC), based in The Hauge, announced arrest warrants for Joseph Kony and four of his top deputies. The charges ranged from the mutilation of civilians to the forced abduction of and sexual abuse of children. Some Ugandans voiced concern over whether the warrants would undermine the peace process by forcing the LRA leaders into a situation where they must either face trail at The Hauge or continue fighting.
In July 2006, LRA representatives were participating in a series of peace talks with the Ugandan government in neighboring Southern Sudan . The LRA representatives present did not include Josephy Kony who was believed to be hiding in the Democratic Republic of Congo to avoid prosecution for war crimes. While the LRA representatives present wished to portray the group as freedom fighters against President Museveni system of patronage and discrimination against the Acholi tribe, the LRA has largely alienated themselves from the Ugandan population through their use of brutal tactics, even against the members of the Acholi tribe who they claim to fight on behalf of. The Ugandan government seems to have little interest in the LRA's demands of reconstituting the Ugandan military under foreign control and a quota for Acholi in government jobs and instead seems focused on determining the LRA's terms of surrender.
Some international observers thought a peace deal was going to be reached in October 2006. LRA leaders (though not Kony) met with GOU negotiators in the town of Juba in Southern Sudan. However, the talks broke down relatively quickly as both sides violated their predetermined conditions of the negotiation. LRA forces moved from their designated area along the Sudanese-Ugandan border and GOU forces assembled in unauthorized portions of Northern Uganda. The talks were also at an impasse. The main discussion was about the charges brought on Kony and four LRA leaders by the ICC. The LRA claimed they would sign a peace deal after the charges were dropped, while GOU negotiators demanded that a peace deal be in place before they discussed dropping the charges. -
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Refugees International
Tue, May 1, 2007 - 7:55 PMFrom www.refugeesinternational.org/con...2937
Refugees International is concerned about the on-going civil war in northern Uganda, which has displaced 1.6 million people.
Country Information -- Updated January 2006
The population of Uganda is 24 million. There are roughly 200,000 refugees from Sudan living in Uganda, and 1.2 million IDPs living in northern and eastern Uganda. The population of Uganda is comprised of Africans of three main ethnic groups: Bantu, Nilotic, and Nilo-Hamitic. The population of Uganda is about 26 million. Uganda is comprised of three main ethnic groups: Bantu, Nilotic, and Nilo-Hamitic. The Baganda, 17% of the population, are the largest group. 33% of Ugandans are Roman Catholic, 33% protestant, 16% are Muslim and 18% follow indigenous beliefs. Uganda is a republic with a no-party “movement system” of government. Yoweri Museveni is the president.
Political and Economic Environment
Uganda gained its independence from Britain on October 9, 1962. In 1966, Prime Minister Milton Obote suspended the constitution and assumed all government powers. Large-scale civil unrest and human rights abuses began in 1971 when Field Marshal Idi Amin seized power from Obote. During the military dictatorship of Amin from 1971-79, and the second reign of Milton Obote from 1980-85, up to 500,000 people were killed. During this time, Yoweri Museveni formed the opposition National Resistance Army. He became president in 1986. During his time in power Uganda has become a favorite of international donors, perceived as a bastion of stability and democracy in east Africa.
Museveni is well known for instituting universal primary education for all children, as well as a progressive HIV/AIDS campaign (the ABC program) that has reduced prevalence rates throughout the country. In 1996, Museveni won Uganda's first direct presidential election, and he was re-elected in 2001. International donors have begun to criticize Museveni for his unwillingness to open up the government to a multi-party system. For the past 16 years in northern Uganda, there has been a brutal rebel insurrection led by the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), fighting to correct perceived injustices against the Acholi ethnic group. In addition, the Karamojong and groups in western Uganda continue to cause civil unrest.
In 1987, under the direction of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, Museveni began to implement large-scale economic reforms that stabilized the economy, but also left the country heavily indebted. Currently, Uganda is working with international donors to reschedule or cancel large portions of its debt. Political instability, especially in the north, and erratic economic mismanagement have produced a record of persistent economic decline that has left Uganda among the world’s poorest and least-developed countries. For that reason, Uganda's economy is heavily dependent on foreign aid.
Humanitarian Situation
Uganda’s tense relations with Sudan stem in part from past Sudanese support for the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). The LRA for years has been seeking to overthrow the Ugandan government, and it has inflicted brutal violence on the population, especially in northern Uganda. Its military campaign has mainly consisted of attacks on the civilian population --- raping, mutilating, slaughtering and abducting civilians, raiding villages, looting stores and homes, and burning houses and schools. Although the LRA does not threaten the stability of the government, violence has displaced 1.6 million people and created a humanitarian crisis in northern Uganda.
The LRA is believed to have abducted over 30,000 children since 1986. In addition, as many as 40,000 night commuters, mostly children and women, flee their homes to the safety of towns each night seeking refuge from potential abduction by the LRA. They search for places to sleep in town centers, such as churches and hospitals, and they return to their homes in the morning. Ugandan troops are unable to protect refugees and internally displaced persons in camps that are terrorized by the LRA. Since the intensification of the conflict in March 2002, delivering humanitarian assistance has become problematic, and NGOs do not have access to large numbers of the internally displaced, most of who are totally dependent on food assistance.
Peace negotiations between the government of Uganda and the LRA have failed so far to produce the outlines of a settlement. There are indications that elements within the Sudanese government continue to support the LRA, but many are hopeful that the 2005 north-south peace agreement in Sudan will have a positive impact on the situation in northern Uganda.
An estimated 228,700 Sudanese refugees are housed in southwestern and western Uganda. 40,000 others who are not registered have been living in Ugandan border towns, while others are in the capital Kampala. Other refugees who are residing in Uganda are from Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Rwanda, Burundi, Somalia, Eritrea and Ethiopia. 23,000 Rwandan refugees that are residing in Uganda are one of the largest groups of exiles still remaining outside Rwanda.
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Re: Fact finding mission: Uganda
Wed, May 2, 2007 - 12:36 AMthank you for this ... i just finished watcing it and blogged it on my site
Documentary about the Children of Uganda
www.chycho.com/
Video: Invisible Children (55:08) - “The "Invisible Children: rough cut" film exposes the effects of a 20 year-long war on the children of Northern Uganda. These children live in fear of abduction by rebel soldiers, and are being forced to fight as a part of violent army. This wonderfully reckless documentary is fast paced, with an MTV beat, and is something truly unique. To see Africa through young eyes is humorous and heart breaking, quick and informative - all in the very same breath. See this film, you will be forever changed.” … keep in mind that a large portion of the US Military fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan are also children as young as 17 years old. So what is the difference between the poorest countries in the world sending their children to die in brutal wars and the richest country in the world doing the same? The difference is that it would only take a fraction of the monthly cost of the Iraq war to stop most of the wars in Africa and save tens of thousands of children from dying, but it will take billions more to continue killing American children to occupy foreign countries. -
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Re: Fact finding mission: Uganda
Thu, May 3, 2007 - 7:35 AMYou rock, Chycho. Thanks for the link.
This shows the entire film INVISIBLE CHILDREN: video.google.ca/videoplay
Yesterday, the people who made this movie put two copies in the mail for me for free. Normally they would cost $20 each. I will be showing them here in Saint John.
Friends... please share this movie through your networks.
As those G.I. Joe public service announcements I watched on TV Saturday mornings as a kid would say... "Knowing is half the battle!" -
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Visa info
Wed, May 9, 2007 - 8:42 AMwww.ugandahighcommission.com/visas.htm ...for Canadians. -
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GULUWALK
Wed, May 9, 2007 - 11:20 AMSteph sent this....
Hey Cor!
I thought I would point you to a great small group doing important work and great fundraising www.guluwalk.com/blog/
Read the tale of the two guys who started it, they use the software designed by the company I work for to fundraise online and run their walk. I got to attend their gala dinner (my boss bought two tables at it!) and I left feeling inspired despite the great tragedies going on.
Check them out and get in touch if you're interested, they're really wonderful men and based out of Toronto.
*steph*
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Just got off the phone with Todd at the GuluWalk office... who suggested I look at this page, which shows who they donate money to on the ground in Gulu: guluwalk.com/programs/
Last year the gave $600,000! Check out this visually interesting web campaign: guluwalk.com/main/
Learn more on YouTube at www.youtube.com/profile -
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Re: GULUWALK
Wed, May 9, 2007 - 11:27 AMI am so happy.... all of this is feeling right!
I just checked my email thinking there would be one from Todd at GuluWalk.... and got this:
Hi,
Greg at Xetava in Kayenta forwarded your email.
My daughter, Meredith, is leaving Friday (May 11) for northern Uganda
to work with groups there. I know they have something to do with
Invisible Children and also another group called "Enlight".
I passed your email on to Meredith and thought maybe you could
contact her. I'd love to know that she has contacts in Northern
Uganda when she is there. What can I say?? I'm the MOM.
Thank you,
Lily Grove
mother of:
Meredith Sandberg -
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Enlight
Wed, May 9, 2007 - 1:27 PMThis is interesting... from the Enlight Project... www.enlightgulu.org/
"All donations will be matched by the District then matched again by the Rotary.
So a simple $500 donation becomes a $2000 donation."
Our Mission: Core Issues
We are a short term project that is addressing the core issues affecting the health care available at Gulu Regional Referral Hospital, specifically but not limited to water and sanitation.
We are coordinating our activities with local NGOs in order to provide sustainable solutions that will improve the quality of health care received by patients at Gulu Regional Referral Hospital.
Our SOUL Purpose:
We are here to simply be a channel for GRRH to receive aid from those who are willing to provide it.
We are enlisting the help of some of the more than 200 nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the area.
We have the utmost respect for the work that these NGOs have accomplished and it is only with their advice and encouragement that we have been able to move forward with this project. -
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The Haunting of Alice: Local Approaches to Justice and Reconciliation in Northern Uganda
Wed, May 9, 2007 - 6:00 PMBelow are excerpts from:
The Haunting of Alice: Local Approaches to Justice and Reconciliation in Northern Uganda
by Erin K. Baines*
* Lead Researcher of the Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) and Research Director of the Conflict and Development Programme at the Liu Institute for Global Issues, University of British Columbia
The full article can be read at: ijtj.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/co.../1/1/91
Over the course of the 20-year conflict between the LRA and Government of Uganda, 30,000 children and youth like Alice have been abducted by the LRA and forced to become soldiers and sexual slaves.
As Kony sought new military alliances with the Government of Sudan (which supplied arms and other support for the LRA to counter Uganda's arming of the southern-based rebel group, the Sudanese People's Liberation Army [SPLA]), he withdrew to bases in South Sudan, abducting, killing and mutilating civilians along the way. At these bases Kony stockpiled weapons, trained soldiers and set up expansive base camps from which he fought against the SPLA. In the late 1990s, the Carter Centre intervened in the process to cool tensions between Uganda and Sudan, resulting in the Nairobi Agreement.41 With the softening of relations between Uganda and Sudan, the Government of Sudan agreed to allow the UPDF to pursue LRA forces across the Sudanese border in 2002. Launching the military campaign ‘Operation Iron Fist,’ the UPDF began a mass offensive against LRA bases. In response, the rebels reinvaded northern Uganda, causing havoc and mass destruction. They then pushed on, extending their campaign into eastern Uganda. Internal displacement more than tripled from 500,000 people to 1.7 million, and abductions doubled to an estimated total of 30,000 Acholi children and youth.
There is a danger in focusing too narrowly on how local mechanisms might be adapted to meet international standards, ignoring the specific cultural and spiritual dimensions. Like Alice, some of the youth who have returned from LRA captivity feel ‘haunted,’ stigmatized and alone. In interviews with hundreds of former LRA captives and ex-combatants, a number reported incidents of finger pointing and name calling by community members, family and elders.81 ‘People sometimes fail to greet me as I pass,’ said one returnee. Returnees are often called olum olum (people from the bush, or rebels) as they walk through the camps. At times the name calling is even more explicit, such as ‘you see they are the ones that are killing us.’ For some of those who have returned, name calling can be a source of stress and emotional pain, particularly for those still trying to adjust to civilian life after years of living as a combatant.82 For those who were abducted, the stigmatization makes them reflect on why they were abducted: ‘The community acts as if we wanted to be abducted.’
Name calling also reveals that, while the population may have accepted the return of former abductees, they are not ready to fully accept them as members of the community. As one returned boy suggested, ‘[Name calling] seems to say we are still in the bush, and yet we are home.’84 Some remarks are more threatening: ‘The government is building a big prison for all of you. When this war is over, you will be target number one.’ ‘This makes us feel uneasy,’ said one returnee. Embracing forgiveness while at the same time rejecting those who returned is easier understood when one considers the context in which people are now forced to live together. There are many factors that constrain a wholehearted welcome. Within the camps, there are families who have suffered extreme violence at the hands of both the UPDF and the LRA who now must live side by side with the perpetrators or perceived perpetrators – soldiers and returned rebels from the bush. They sleep in huts across the way from one another in the crowded camp, shop at the same market, drink at the same local bars and even go to church together. Inevitably, the mix of a victimized population, a militarized camp setting and ex-combatants – even those publicly deemed innocent – results in an uneasy tension in the setting of a large camp.85 This is compounded by the fact that there is little anonymity in camps. The former LRA members have no distinguishing physical features, but few do not know who they are. In fact, each time someone returns home, the whole camp knows. Fear of being identified by the family of a person who was murdered has forced some former captives and rebels in the camps to conceal their identity. As the counsellor in Alice's story observed, few former LRA youth attended the communal cleansing ceremony for this reason, despite the fact that they had earlier requested the ceremony. This fear is multifold: they fear that they will be persecuted by the victim's clan and further stigmatized by the community, and that they or their clan will be unable to pay the required compensation.
Finally, the psychological impact of living in camps adds to the trauma experienced by formerly abducted youth in the bush. People are unable to return to their homes and to the social roles and physical activity that can be so important in the process of healing. The camps compound the trauma experienced. Until this is resolved, i.e., until people can return safely to their homes and enjoy the rights of a democratic and functioning state, the general situation of those living in the north will continue to be precarious. In the meantime, it is critical that even before the conflict ends the groundwork is laid for developing a culturally sensitive framework for social and community healing.
In a recent statement by Civil Society for Peace in Northern Uganda (CSOPNU), it was reported that 70 percent of the population in northern Uganda have no access to monetary income and 95 percent live in absolute poverty
According to a random survey of over 2,500 persons in displaced persons camps by the International Center for Transitional Justice and the Human Rights Center, 40 percent of respondents had been abducted by the rebel LRA, 45 percent had witnessed the killing of a family member and 23 percent had been physically mutilated at some point during the conflict.Forgotten Voices: A Population-Based Survey on Attitudes about Peace and Justice in Northern Uganda, 2005.
The community sometimes resents those they believe to have returned for material reasons. In the context of extreme poverty, assistance extended to those who have returned is understandably divisive. Some argue that returnees are being rewarded for their time in the bush. For instance, if a returnee receives a reinsertion package from the Amnesty Commission (approximately 100 US dollars, a mattress and some basic household supplies), they are relatively well off compared to others living in the camps.
In one study it is reported that, among other factors affecting their decision to return, LRA members return home if they feel that the amnesty is genuine and that they will be accepted by the communities they harmed. -
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B.C. students go to Uganda to test theory against practice -- Monday, June 04, 2007
Mon, June 4, 2007 - 2:00 PMB.C. students go to Uganda to test theory against practice
Nicole Lunstead
Special to the Sun
Monday, June 04, 2007
'I was third in command of the Lord's Resistance Army until I was captured," the elderly man explained.
Twelve intrigued students listened to Kenneth Banya, a man whose gentle mannerisms hid the reality that, as a rebel commander, he had contributed to immense pain and suffering during the 22-year insurgency in Northern Uganda.
The meeting with former brigadier-general Banya was one of many experiences aiming to put theory into practice for students from Royal Roads University's masters in human security and peacebuilding program. Partnering with Ugandan students in a peace and conflict program at Makerere University, students travelled to Gulu region in the north of Uganda. The journey provided an opportunity to gather hands-on experience about the insurgency between the LRA and Ugandan government, as well as the future problems facing the peace process
The rebels, led by Joseph Kony, have been fighting since 1986 to install a government based upon the Ten Commandments. The atrocities and abuses committed are anything but reminiscent of such dictates. Kony, and Banya until his capture, led the LRA in a gruesome war characterized by senseless violence and the kidnapping of children to act as soldiers and sex slaves.
The opportunity to hear and ask questions of a man who had been a leading rebel was an extraordinary opportunity for Canadian students who had conducted significant research on the conflict. Of Kony, Banya painted a picture of a normal man regrettably possessed by spirits. "He is normal," Banya explained. "He has a nice smile, and he likes music. It is when he is inhibited by the spirits that he does bad things." Predictive of the success of the present peace negotiations, Banya explained that the spirits had told Kony the war would end in 2007 through negotiation.
While we were living our learning in Gulu, LRA representatives, government officials and international mediators met in Juba, South Sudan, to draft a comprehensive peace agreement that expanded upon the cessation of hostilities agreement signed in August 2006. In December, the failure of both sides to come to a consensus proved a devastating blow to the peace process. This April meeting, however, proved Kony's prophesy to be true and news of a signed peace agreement brought much optimism.
Although the fighting has officially ended, there remains a multitude of human security problems in Northern Uganda. The 1.9 million people displaced by the war must trickle back to lands that have been mined, and which are void of infrastructure.
To comprehend this process, students met with local residents, non-governmental organizations, academics and government officials to discuss the intricacies of the transition from war to peace.
A meeting with a local NGO, Noah's Ark, painted a stark picture of the impact of the war and the challenges of peace for affected children. In recruiting for their cause, the LRA kidnapped children from their beds. To avoid such a fate, they walked up to 40 kilometers each day to safe havens such as Noah's Ark in 2004.
Today, Noah's Ark is a different place than it was in 2004 when LRA forces were within half a kilometer of Gulu's city centre. A handful of street children and several of the psychologically distressed from the conflict continue to use the shelter.
Both Makerere and Royal Roads students walked away from this encounter in awe and respect for the work being done by Noah's Ark with a new perspective on the lives forever changed by the conflict, and the work that will be required for healing.
While the phenomenon of the night commuters has been one symbol of the insurgency, another was the massive displacement of the Acholi people.
To understand the complexities of this problem, students travelled to Pabo, the largest internally displaced persons camp in the region. At one point, Pabo housed more than 65 000 people in makeshift shelters. Today, the population sits at 45,000 with a disproportionate number of children.
"I feel like my learning has just begun," RRU student Morag Hill explained. Both Makerere and RRU students agreed that such academic depth and understanding could never be replicated within the confines of a classroom.
After three weeks of learning together, Ugandan and Canadian students agreed that although Uganda's future is filled with challenges, it is also bursting with hope.
Nicole Lunstead is a student in Royal Roads University's graduate program in human security and peace building. She is travelling overland from Uganda to Mongolia where she will begin a six-month internship with a women's rights organization.
© The Vancouver Sun 2007 -
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Latest report from Uganda
Sat, July 28, 2007 - 10:47 AMJosh is a comic book writer from LA who just returned from a month in Uganda with some interesting insights:
www.joshuadysart.com/content.php
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